The error rates for words and non-words were low 2. Figure 1. Results of Experiment 1: mean reaction times ms as a function of Relatedness and Prime Type for single-word primes A , whole-related complex primes B and component-related complex primes C. Error bars show the SE. Participants were faster to decide that a target was a word when it was preceded by an associatively related prime than when it was preceded by an unrelated prime.
This effect was independent of whether the prime was a word or a shortcut, and it was obtained for simple primes e. In other words, the related shortcuts primed the targets as much as the full forms. This suggests that shortcuts were not first translated into their corresponding full forms, but that they activated associated lemmas and meanings just like full forms. Lexical decisions were faster after word than shortcut primes. It has been proposed that in the lexical decision task, the decision is based on global lexical activity, which is the summed activity in the mental lexicon Paap and Johansen, ; Grainger and Jacobs, ; Coltheart et al.
One might argue that lexical activity is higher when the prime is a real word than when it is a shortcut because shortcuts are less frequent and have fewer orthographic neighbors that they might activate compared to words see Laszlo and Federmeier, In contrast to simple primes e. This was most likely due to the short prime duration, which was sufficient for the meaning of the prime as a whole to be activated, but did not lead to the activation of the meanings of the components.
To test this hypothesis, a second experiment was conducted where the prime duration was extended to ms. For the simple primes and whole-related complex primes, we expected to replicate the effects of Experiment 1. Additionally, we expected to find a significant priming effect from component-related word primes.
If the meaning of shortcuts is indeed retrieved from their form representations without translation into full forms, then no priming of component-related shortcut primes should be seen. Twenty-two students of the University of Birmingham 21 female took part in the experiment average age: They received course credits for their participation. The same procedure as in Experiment 1 was used, except for an altered structure of the trials. Each trial started with a fixation cross for ms.
Next the prime was presented for ms. This was followed by a blank screen for ms and the target which was shown until a response was given, up to a maximum of 3 s. As in Experiment 1, the modal response in the questionnaire was that participants read and wrote the shortcuts once a week, with on average 2.
The questionnaire data were used to exclude shortcuts participants did not know [on average 0. The error rates for words and pseudo-words were very low 2. As for Experiment 1, reaction times below ms and above ms 1. Figure 2. Results of Experiment 2: mean reaction times ms as a function of Relatedness and Prime Type for single-word primes A , whole-related complex primes B and component-related complex primes C.
In other words, the ms difference favoring the unrelated shortcut condition was not significant. As in Experiment 1, priming effects were obtained from simple primes and whole-related complex word and shortcut primes. Additionally, there was a significant priming effect from component-related word primes e.
Thus, with extended prime duration and clear visibility of the primes, the meaning of the individual words e. By contrast, component-related shortcut primes e. In Experiment 2, the main effect of Prime Type word vs. This is probably due to the altered temporal structure of the trials.
The primes now began 1. The goal of the present study was to investigate how readers access the meaning of shortcuts, specifically, whether lexical access is necessarily mediated by access to representations of the corresponding full forms, or whether shortcuts could be accessed directly from their orthographic representations, as Brysbaert et al.
In both experiments, simple and whole-related shortcut primes had equivalent effects to the corresponding word primes. The fact that these primes yielded facilitation in the masked priming experiment, where the time allowed for prime processing was severely limited, demonstrates that these types of shortcuts can rapidly activate their associated meanings, just like words.
In the masked priming experiment, component-related primes did not facilitate the responses to the targets, regardless of their spelling. In the overt priming experiment, only the word primes but not the shortcut primes yielded component-related facilitation. It is quite remarkable that even in Experiment 2, when there was plenty of processing time, the meanings of the components of complex shortcut primes were not activated.
Together, these results suggest that shortcuts need not necessarily be recoded into words but that participants had acquired direct access to the representations of shortcuts. Note that the issue of whether or not accessing the meaning of a shortcuts requires access to the corresponding full form is different from the issue of whether or not shortcuts activate phonological representations.
The current data do not speak to the latter issue. However, the current data do suggest that participants reading lol probably did not activate the full phonological representation [lA:f aUt laUd] of the corresponding full form.
In future experiments, it would be interesting to investigate whether there is rapid access to the meaning of shortcuts via their phonological representations e. The difference in the results seen for component-related word primes in the two experiments needs further explanation.
The fact that the multiple-word phrases presented in the present experiment have shortcut equivalents indicates that these phrases are frequently used though there might be exceptions, e. Such lexicalized phrases can have their own lemma representations e. Similarly, the present results imply that the meanings of the phrases used in the complex prime condition were activated before the meanings of the component words.
In the masked priming experiment, the meanings of the component words were not activated quickly enough to affect the responses to the targets. In the overt priming experiment, the meaning of the whole phrase as well as the meanings of the individual words within the phrase were activated, resulting in significant priming effects for both component-related and whole-related word primes.
The present results suggest that readers can retrieve the meanings of familiar shortcuts without prior access to the corresponding full forms. This is in line with conclusions by Perea et al. The current study leads to the same conclusion with respect to shortcuts. Therefore, it appears that shortcuts and acronyms are represented in the mental lexicon and retrieved in very similar ways, even though acronyms are used in spoken and written language, while shortcuts are rarely found in spoken language.
The processing of both acronyms and shortcuts appears to be very similar to the processing of regular words. Of course, direct access is not the only way of processing shortcuts. Most readers probably know which full forms common shortcuts are derived from e. Thus for some shortcuts direct and mediated access might occur in parallel. This proposal is related to dual-route models proposed elsewhere in psycholinguistics, for instance for reading aloud for discussion see Frost, ; Coltheart et al.
The relative efficiency of the two routes is likely to depend on a number of variables. One would, for instance, expect the direct route to be stronger for very familiar than for unfamiliar shortcuts and, of course, non-existent for novel shortcuts, for which the reader has to construct the meaning from the components 2.
Task demands may also affect the relative importance of the two routes see also Macizo and Bajo, For instance, Ganushchak et al. The results demonstrated that the number concepts associated with the digits in shortcut and pseudo-shortcut primes were briefly activated, implying that both types of primes were decomposed into their components.
The number concepts in existing shortcuts, but not in pseudo-shortcuts, were quickly deactivated, presumably due to inhibition arising from the activation of the meanings of the whole shortcuts. In line with the present findings, these results demonstrate that shortcuts quickly activate their meaning, but contrary to the present findings, they also imply that the meanings of the components of the shortcuts are activated as well. A possible reason for the difference in the results of the two studies is that the number concepts were directly relevant to the parity judgment task, but not to the lexical decision task used in the present study.
In sum, together with previous findings, the present results imply that familiar shortcuts, much like conventional acronyms, can be accessed directly, even though mediated access is possible.
Nevertheless shortcuts are generally read more slowly than traditional words. In spite of appearing frequently in certain types of text, most shortcuts are probably still encountered less frequently than their corresponding full forms, and this may affect the efficiency of both the direct and the mediated route to their meanings. It will be interesting to see whether eventually the increasing usage of shortcuts in everyday language will close the gap to regular words so that shortcuts become just like any other words of the language.
Research reported in the current manuscript was conducted in accord with APA standards for ethical treatment of participants and with the approval of the ethical committee in the School of Psychology at the University of Birmingham. The authors thank Emma Palmer and Eva Nielsen for their help in collecting data. The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
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